A solution would be to generalize the practice of the primary

The political class bruisse rumour of an initiative of the head of State in the sense of a limitation on the overlapping of mandates. At the same time, another rumour refers to an identical initiative in preparation to the Socialist Party, through the popular initiative referendum, introduced in the Constitution in 2008 but for which, by parenthesis, the necessary Organic Act has not yet been adopted. The idea of elected dedicated full time to their mandate is pleased. However, to confine neglects this Bermuda triangle where disappears the interests of electors, composed of electoral guaranteed political colour, the weight of lobbying and the locking of the investitures of candidates.

More the political color of a constituency is assured, more elected officials may consider his seat as an annuity. By contrast, a contested district may entice more involvement for the benefit of his constituents, for fear of losing its mandate. Cantonal and parliamentary constituencies should undergo readjustment work in the direction of greater uncertainty of the verdict of the ballot box. Currently, this work is politicized, because at the hands of the political authorities, resulting in a bias in favour of the majority in place when the redistribution took place. A non-partisan redistricting can be obtained through a public mathematical modeling. It would base the results of past elections, polling station by polling station, by integrating the stress of territorial continuity in the calculation of combinations of polling possible drawing new electoral districts. Would previously posed the desired number of constituencies, voters per constituency, of seats in political colour guaranteed to avoid waves pink or blue, and the magnitude of deviations from these numbers be tolerated. Entrusted to experts from civil society, this work would be then made public in "open source" to be reproducible. The choice of members of Parliament between combinations of polling stations would intervene only in end of the race, after public opinion would be seized.

Concerning lobbying, it is not to prevent interest groups to solicit elected officials. This activity is not reprehensible in itself - number of humanitarian NGOs practice - and it does that encourage them to influence in the shade. The challenge is to make it transparent so that when an elected official is solicited by a lobby and its positions feel, its voters can know. The report delivered in 2008 by the MP Jean-Paul Charié goes in this direction and examples to follow we are close: the European Parliament and the Bundestag, rules of procedure requires lobbyists to register on a public register and enforce a code of ethics.

Concerning the nomination of candidates by the major parties, there are four major sources to his achievement: be the outgoing elected; have been locally, within the party, a customer of cronies; having triumphed in games of apparatus; be parachuted by the headquarters. Of the four, only one, the first, is based on empathy with the interests of the voters, but goes in reverse, from the renewal of the political class. A solution would be to generalize the practice of the primary. This dynamic is already his way. It could be further developed for the local elections, with a maximum opening to the filing of applications, with a possible three-round to eliminate marginal applications in the first without prevent occur.

These three developments are at least as difficult to adopt by the political class as the pyramiding of mandates. They are perhaps more pressing for the protection of the interests of voters.